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Machiavelli: A Beginner's Guide (Beginner's Guides), by Cary J. Nederman
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Machiavelli has been among the most commented upon, criticized and feared thinkers of the modern world. Infamous for his support of brutality and repression as valid political instruments, he is often portrayed as the pantomime villain of political theorists. In this whirlwind tour of Machiavelli’s writings and eventful life, Nederman highlights the complexities in his thought, highlighting that he advocated democracy as much as dictatorship, debate as much as violence, depending upon prevailing political conditions. Cary J. Nederman is professor of political science at Texas A&M University. He is the author of over twenty books on the history of Western political thought.
- Sales Rank: #1886402 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Oneworld Publications
- Published on: 2009-03-01
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 7.92" h x .48" w x 5.22" l, .40 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 160 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"A remarkable achievement. Fluent and accessible in its language and style, yet insightful in its analysis." --Benedetto Fontana, Professor of Political Science, Baruch College of the City University of New York
Review
"A book of many merits. By the end of the book, we are convinced that Machiavelli's approach to politics is actually better than most of the available alternatives."
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"Clearly written and ground breaking. A panoramic overview of the entire body of his writings. A must-read."
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3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
A holistic introduction to the life and thought of Machiavelli.
By Mr. Brendan Burnett
In Machiavelli: A Beginner's Guide, Cary J. Nederman provides a re-examination of the life and thought of Niccolò Machiavelli, the early 16th century Florentine political theorist, "derived from the full range of Machiavelli's writings" (p.xi). Throughout this holistic analysis, Nederman provides a broad systematic understanding of Machiavelli's theories and their possible application. Nederman's work can be divided into three sections: chapter one (pp.1-27) provides an introduction to the historical context of Machiavelli's writings to illustrate the circumstantial development of Machiavelli's thought; chapters two to five (pp.28-114) define and discuss some of the core concepts of Machiavelli's political theory; and chapter six (pp.115-129) explains how Machiavelli's writings have been conflictingly received, and how his theoretical method might be applied today.
Nederman argues that in order to understand the thought of Machiavelli as expressed in his writings we must understand his historical context. There exists little information about Machiavelli's early life save his birth (1469) and difficult family situation recorded in his father's journals. We receive more information about Machiavelli's professional career from 1490. He served as a diplomat and militia captain for Florence until 1512-1513 when he was exiled by the Medici family upon their return. Machiavelli primarily wrote in exile.
Nederman therefore believes that Machiavelli wrote to regain the political influence he had lost (pp.8-16, 19). Thus, Machiavelli's earlier and more major writings such as The Prince and The Discourses were intellectually innovative and complex, though initially unsuccessful. Later writings such as the dramatic comedy Clizia did obtain attention, and The History of Florence commissioned by the Medici who had exiled Machiavelli led to newfound respect. However, that also ended in 1527 when the Medici family was, again, exiled from Florence. As Nederman notes, the republic that Machiavelli so advocated ironically ultimately turned on Machiavelli in the end, him dying that year.
Having given the historical context of Machiavelli's writings, Nederman provides a systematic, intertextual analysis of the core concepts of Machiavelli's political theory. Initially, Nederman argues that Machiavelli was not irreligious as such. Machiavelli was not opposed to the Christian worldview per se, but he adopted a neo-pagan, political utilisation of Christianity. Thus, divine providence is not missing from his words. Nederman also suggests that Machiavelli's view on Fortuna is also based on his religious assumptions. Fortuna in Machiavelli's thought is a fickle force beyond absolute human control. It is, as Nederman explains, a fundamentally pessimistic speculation predicated upon Machiavelli's Augustinian view of the inherent wickedness of human nature (p.31). The role Fortuna plays is a `supernatural power' (p.34) which must be co-operated with or overcome through the free will and of human beings with the help of God (pp.44-49). But metaphysical deductions are not necessarily true; Fortuna pertains to the ebb and flow of contingent historical events. Yet even history is under divine providence. Such quasi-religious Fortuna influences the people who in turn must responsibly correct and direct Fortuna through virtù, discussed in chapter 3. Virtù, says Nederman, refers to skills or adaptability to Fortuna, not moral goodness. In The Prince for instance, such virtù may utilise necessary evil to maintain a principality. A prince possesses virtù just if he is able to adapt to or dominate all circumstances prescribed by Fortuna (pp.74-77). Virtù is something attained--not inherent--to us (pp.58-62). Whether or not Machiavelli's views on what constitutes virtù constitutes an `ends justify the means' ideology (something Machiavelli never said), and given the complexity of Machiavelli's thought, that would be an oversimplification indeed. Nevertheless, the use of necessary force is a central theme to his politic. Nederman's holistic intertextual analysis of a variety of Machiavelli's major and minor works suggests that Machiavelli's governmental theory is predicated upon the essential contention that all that is necessary to be done to protect the state in any given Fortuna must be done by virtù--be it republic or monarchical. Deceit, violence and law are all means to an end in their proper context. Such themes are introduced just enough to get a grasp for their controversial nature, yet to allow room for further research. Indeed, although he is often perceived as amoral, "Throughout his writings, Machiavelli takes care to very carefully distinguish between two very different sets of purposes and consequences. Moreover, he evaluates specific historical circumstances of regimes according to their success at attaining the goals inherent to them, yet without declaring unconditionally that one goal is to always be preferred over another" (p.95). In other words, deceit and violence etc. are not an absolute law, but of necessity only, much like Roman dictatorships. Moreover, it is better that a republic of commons executed such necessities; absolutist monarchy could easily become tyranny. This is indeed a belief "drawn from the lessons of history and experience" (p.114). Indeed, later, Nederman disputes the contention that Machiavelli was `Machiavellian' as such, but rather a man of his times (pp.119, 122).
Nevertheless, Machiavelli's sentiments were received very differently, as the sixth chapter discusses. Though Machiavelli found critics in some churchmen like Cardinal Reginald Pole of England who criticised Machiavelli's work as "the finger of Satan" (p.116), he found defenders in other early-modern European intellectuals who supported "Reason of State" whereby the sovereign power could utilise whatever was necessary to maintain the principality (pp.117-118). Altogether, the reception of Machiavelli's works "does not constitute a monolithic or unilinear narrative. He was read from multiple perspectives and was judged (positively or negatively) according to a number of divergent standards. This situation continues to the present day" (p.118).
Nederman advocates a pragmatic usage of Machiavelli's theorisations. Machiavelli remains grounded in his context, but he is not irrelevant. His pragmatic principles of necessary action, and the application of historical deductions (which informed Machiavelli's view of human nature and the consequences one might deduce from the actions one takes) is essential (pp.124-125): "Machiavelli believes that our understanding of human nature and consequent modes of conduct yields considerable information about reasonable expectations concerning political affairs. The past forms a bridge to the future" (pp.127-128). Thus, a political methodology predicated upon Machiavelli's utilisation of caution according to the flux of the wheel of Fortuna being the norm appears sustainable (p.129).
Overall, Nederman's intertextual holistic approach to Machiavelli applied theoretically presents the reader with an essential understanding of Machiavelli's enduring importance. Further study will assist readers obtain a more critical examination of the debate surrounding Machiavelli and the meaning of his writings. All this fulfils the scholarly commission Nederman intended at the beginning of his work (pp.viii-ix, 115, 128-129).
-- Brendan Paul Burnett, Sydney NSW Australia, 4th April 2012.
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